Knowledge of artists’ individual experiences of making progress, sustaining art practices and of their livelihood choices over time is vital to understanding what makes the lives of artists liveable. This new qualitative research which examines what artists are doing all day and why contributes to understanding what are the most supportive infrastructures and ecologies for contemporary visual artists over their life cycle.
Complementing and amplifying an array of existing demographic and economic data from arts and cultural industry bodies, it explores how an artist’s personal circumstances including their social background, location, family responsibilities and life contexts impact on their everyday decisions, artistic ambitions and career prospects. In a post Covid world with ambitions for net zero, findings can contribute to identifying new structural interventions within an arts ecology intended to be supportive of the well-being and resilience for many creative individuals over the long term.
Through in-depth conversations with selected individual artists, the research illuminates what pursuit of art practices looks and feels like for the artists engaged in them on an everyday basis, where they live, including identifying aspects that help and hinder. Capturing this granularity contributes to understanding the artists’ community’s ‘constellation value’ as formed through their persistent, divergent and place orientated contributions to society over time.
Scope
The term ‘artist’ has multiple definitions and visual artists hold many different roles in society.[1] Visual artists’ career paths and employment prospects and are hybrid and more diverse than those of most creative workers.[2] Recognising this social reality for artists and encompassing the ‘whole person’, this qualitative study for 2024 – 25 involves artists in three English regions and incorporates a unique longitudinal aspect. It draws direct from artists’ experiences to provide granular, topical evidence about the scope and highly individualised nature of artists’ development, articulating the barriers and the ladders experienced and the role engagement in locality and communities plays in achieving sustainable art practices over a lifecycle.
This study’s evidence-gathering method counters a tendency in sectoral evaluations to ‘talk up’ artists’ successes and align to ‘artistic excellence’ policy concepts by predominantly capturing experiences and trajectories of ‘known’ or ‘successful artists’, such as grant or commission recipients and other artists ‘picked out’ or otherwise ‘known’ to funders, intermediaries and gatekeepers.[3]
Interviews resulting from an initial self-selecting ‘wider pool’ method respond to the acknowledged lack of evidence of ‘everyday cultural practices’ within arts policy development.[4] Providing anonymity to participants minimises potential for selected artists to protect their public image by ‘playing down’ negative aspects of practices and lives, which hinders accurate assessment of the success factors.[5]
Credits
This independent study is supported by Axisweb, CAMP: contemporary art membership platform and Creative Land Trust.
References
[1] Wright, J (2023) Research digest: The role of the artist in society, Centre for Cultural Value https://www.culturehive.co.uk/CVIresources/research-digest-the-role-of-the-artist-in-society/
[2] Sana Kim, S, Lee, H and Warner, K (2024) Policy approaches to tackle precarity in freelance cultural work https://sustainableculturalfutures.weebly.com/uploads/1/4/5/1/145123948/scf-theme2-report-fv1.pdf provides confirmation of the ‘atypical’ and challenging environment for visual artists ‘due to the highly diverse and hybrid nature of work and careers’ and the ‘solo’ nature of artists’ practices.
[3] For benefits of ‘open’ selection see Frasz, A (2024) Creatives Rebuild New York Artist Guaranteed Income for Artists Process Evaluation CRNY/Helicon Collaborative
[4] As noted in Crossick, G and Kaszynska, P (2016) Understanding the value of arts & culture: The AHRC Cultural Value Project. Swindon: Arts and Humanities Research Council and relates also to Frasz (2024) as above.
[5] “It’s not cool to be ‘difficult’. Personal angst, nihilism or mere misgivings must be privately managed and, for the purposes of club sociality, carefully concealed. This is a ‘PR’ meritocracy where the question of who gets ahead on what basis and who is left behind finds no space for expression.” In McRobbie, A (2002) Clubs to Companies: Notes on the decline of political culture in speeded up worlds’. Cultural Studies, 16(4) p523